Woods came close to becoming Georgia’s school superintendent in 2010, losing the Republican primary by just 16,000 votes to eventual winner John Barge. His campaign raised about $28,000 through June 30. He missed the filing deadline for his most recent disclosure, which was due July 16.
May 22, 2014 — Retiring Sen. Cecil Staton will start earning a six-figure state salary next month at the University System of Georgia. Staton resigned his Senate seat today to become a vice chancellor overseeing programs for military veterans, budding entrepreneurs, international students and continuing education. “The idea is to try to bring all those folks under one person to direct them and give some coherence to it,” a University System spokesman said. The five-term senator, who did not seek re-election this year after a close shave in 2012, will start his new job June 1 at an annual salary of $165,000.
Prior to May 2014, Horacena Tate did not disclose her role as CEO of an Atlanta day-care center, the Ashby Street Learning Academy. Nor did she disclose her role as partial owner of the day care or of the $560,000 it had received from the state Department of Early Care and Learning since 2009
. Tate amended her most recent disclosure to include fiduciary positions for Ashby Street and several other for- and non-profit corporations after Atlanta Unfiltered called the omissions to her attention.
Reginald Crossley failed to file a disclosure of his personal finances, which was due March 18, for his 2014 campaign against incumbent Sen. Horacena Tate. The following information is based on the disclosure filed for his 2012 campaign against Tate.
May 9, 2014 — Nearly $28,000 in political donations appear to be missing from Sen. David Lucas’ campaign account. While the longtime Macon lawmaker says it isn’t so, his latest disclosure shows a negative balance in his Senate campaign account.
Lucas said his campaign had money that wasn’t reflected in his most recent disclosure, but he wasn’t sure how much. “I don’t know,” he said. “I haven’t been trying to keep with up with that. All I do is write checks.”
The problem stems from his campaign’s failure to fill out disclosures properly.
Former Rep. David Lucas has kept much of his campaign spending off the radar over the years, moreso perhaps than any other Georgia legislator. Since 2010 his House campaign committee reported spending more than $78,000 — 46 percent of all disbursements — for unspecified purposes. Lucas has also kept some private business interests off the radar, including his wife’s consulting business and his role as an officer in the non-profit Bowden Men’s Golf Association, which has received payments from his campaign and from a political action committee that employs lobbyists at the Capitol. Lucas still hasn’t filed a disclosure for 2012.
Records show NewTown Macon Inc., a non-profit promoting development in downtown Macon, paid Lucas and his company $24,350 — an amount he has declined to disclose — to campaign for passage of a 1 percent local option sales tax in 2010. NewTown also played a role in a small land transaction that netted Lucas a $3,400 profit in 2008.
Paris hadn’t filed her 2013 disclosure of her personal finances, due six weeks earlier, when we talked last week. “I have not done it yet, but it will be done,” she said. “We’ve just been running a race, and it keeps slipping off the radar.”
Her most recent personal disclosure, filed in 2012, omitted her membership on two non-profit boards — the Greater Macon Chamber of Commerce and NewTown Macon Inc.
Bill Hembree chaired both the Higher Education and Industrial Relations committees in the Georgia House. His interest in insurance issues, though, drew the most interest from campaign donors during his 18 years in that chamber. The owner of a Nationwide Insurance franchise, Hembree collected more than $95,000 in campaign money from the insurance industry from 1998 to 2012, as well as $167,000 more from health care interests, an analysis of campaign disclosures shows. That represents 44 percent of all his reported donations in that span.
In 2012, Hembree took advantage of a loophole in state election law to indirectly transfer $60,000 from his House campaign account to his Senate campaign.
There are discrepancies between Mike Dugan’s December 2012 campaign disclosure, which shows an end balance of $4,400, and his next filing in July 2013, which reports a beginning balance of zero. The earlier report also showed the campaign still owed him $9,750 of a $15,000 loan, while the later filing showed no carried-over debt.
Georgia House of Representatives David Ralston (R-Blue Ridge), speaker of the House Jan Jones (R-Milton), speaker pro tem Jon G. Burns (R-Newington), majority leader Stacey Abrams (D-Atlanta), minority leader HD1 John Deffenbaugh (R-Lookout Mountain) HD2 Steve Tarvin (R-Chickamauga) HD3 Dewayne Hill (R-Ringgold) HD4 Bruce Broadrick (R-Dalton) HD5 John Meadows (R-Calhoun), Rules chair HD6 Jason Ridley (R-Chatsworth) […]
Feb. 26, 2014 — As Cobb County proceeds with plans to subsidize a $672 million stadium for the Atlanta Braves, questions continue to surface about the transparency of county leaders’ deliberations and the accuracy of the projected public benefit and cost to taxpayers. Here’s what I’ve written on the subject recently for Atlanta Magazine’s Daily Agenda:
- Neither snow, nor sleet, nor taxpayer objection keep Cobb from fast-tracking stadium plans
- Proposed law could cloud spending details on Braves, Falcons stadiums
- What Cobb businesses might be taxed to help cover Braves stadium costs?
- Did Cobb commissioners’ briefings on Braves violate Open Meetings Act?
- Braves may seek even more millions in public assistance
- Who knew about Tim Lee’s ties to turf company before Braves deal?